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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

bad fallen on the British Isles5 on the seas encircling it, and on the roads
of the Continent leading to that Island. And now, in the sixth year of
war when the British freedom had already been secured., when the freedom
of Poland was hanging in the balance, the British Parliament was to open

a discussion as to whether or how they should fulfil the Treaty and whether
and if, they should secure the freedom of their Ally; to support or
reject their Government's proposal regarding the furore of their Ally. . . .

On the eve of the Debate a group of the former members of the Polish
Senate and the Diet who were in Britain addressed the Members of both
the House of Commons and the House of Lords :—
" We address the British Parliament as the legislative body of a great
State to which our country is bound by alliance^ and as the Mother of
Parliaments. In it we have always seen not only the symbols but the im-
pregnable fortress of true democracy. Its supreme dignity has strengthened
in us the conviction that its power will always adhere to -die side of law and
justice between men and nations, will stand in defence of those who are
wronged by acts of violence, and will prevent International Law from
becoming an empty invocation or a mere scrap of paper.
" In 1939 the British Parliament approved the guarantee given to the
Polish Republic by His Majesty's Government as well as the alliance which
was concluded;, and in 1941 it approved the Atlantic Charter. Neverthe-
less, and in spite of the decisive victories gained over German might and the
rapidly approaching end of Hitler's rule., the independence of our country
remains in grave jeopardy . . .
" The Soviet Forces have already occupied more than half our territory,
and there are, as yet, no signs of the restoration of any national institutions
based on the principles of democracy and social freedom. We know that
in France, Belgium, Holland and even in Italy, a state formerly allied to the
enemy, as soon as circumstances allow., after clearing these territories of
the Germans, power is being returned to the appropriate national authorities.
" In Poland conditions are different.
" Our country is still torn apart, not so much by the so-called c Curzon
Line/ as by a frontier drawn in 1939 by Herr von Ribbentrop and Air.
Molotov. Polish territory east of that line—including the two cities of
Lwow and Wilno, beloved of every Polish heart—have been arbitrarily
declared by the Soviets as part of their own territory against a primary prin-
ciple of International Law.
" In these provinces, deportations are rife on lines similar to those of
1939 and 1940 . . . There are no military considerations which could, then
or now, justify these deportations . . . We are denied detailed information
about these territories or of the fate of our relatives, friends and countrymen
inhabiting them.
" West of the Ribbentrop-Molotov Line . . . one hears of the restoration
of a strong and independent Poland. In the light of past events, however,
we cannot but feel deep anxiety about the meaning of this formula. The
so-called Lublin Committee of Liberation, set up by the Soviet Military
authorities, is solely and entirely an agent of the Soviet Government ... In
the part of Poland occupied by the Soviet Army there is no democratic
institution, nor any trace of freedom of association of the Press . . . We
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